by Paul R. Spitzzeri
Pío Pico (1801-1894) is easily one of the best-known of the Californios of greater Los Angeles, largely because of his Pico House hotel, built in 1870 in an attempt to keep the historic Plaza a viable commercial area as the Angel City grew during its first boom; because his name is memorialized in a major east-west thoroughfare from downtown Los Angeles to the coast at Santa Monica and because the city of Pico Rivera is partly within the Rancho Paso de Bartolo where Don Pío’s longtime home, El Ranchito, is situated.
He also is generally recognized for being the last governor of Mexican California, serving in that executive role in 1845-1846 before the American invasion and seizure of the department during the Mexican-American War. After his return from México in 1848, Pico became a rancher and business figure, the owner of tens of thousands of acres in the San Fernando Valley, Whittier Narrows area and what became the conjunction of Orange and San Diego counties.
Seeing the rapid changes afoot in the post-Civil War era, Don Pío sold much of his land, particularly half of the Rancho ex-Mission San Fernando (sold to him by his brother Andrés, who had a notable public life as a Mexican Army general, local Californio militia leader and Assembly member, whose bill to divide California into two nearly came to fruition) to become a developer in Los Angeles. Few know of his Pico Building, built in 1868 on Main Street just north of Commercial Street and which housed the bank of Hellman, Temple and Company and predating the Pico House by two years.
Yet, Pico was frequently in legal squabbles, in addition to his heavy investment in these projects as well as his ranching, and, as he got into his eighties, faced serious financial issues. He borrowed from merchant Bernard Cohn, putting his El Ranchito down as collateral for the loan, and, despite being ready to pay back the principal and additional money, Cohn insisted that the agreement they made was a purchase of the ranch. At trial, a key witness, Francisco “Pancho” Johnson committed perjury by vouching for Cohn’s account (there were the usual incentives for Johnson to do so.) The courts, including the state supreme court, the final arbiter, ruled for Cohn despite the obvious injustice committed upon the aging Pico.
Evicted from his home, Pico traveled a few miles north to stay with the brothers Charles and Walter Temple, the sons and grandsons of the ex-governor’s late neighbors and compadres, F.P.F. Temple and William Workman. One of the household items he bestowed on them were an armchair and footstool recently donated to the Homestead by the Josette Temple estate and now exhibited in the Workman House. Don Pío continued his trip to Los Angeles where he resided with a daughter until his death—sometimes he was pointed out in the press and in public as a “relic” of “old California.”
In 1877, Hubert Howe Bancroft, collecting material for what became a landmark series on the history of California, sent agents throughout the state to interview Anglos and Latinos for their recollections of life in the pre-American period. Thomas Savage, who interviewed a stroke-ravaged F.P.F. Temple during this trip, sat down with Pico, whose remembrances spanned 200 pages of handwritten text, on 24 October to record his memoir.
Notably, there was no located coverage in the English-language press of the Angel City about any of this. The Spanish-language paper, La Crónica, which was operated by Thomas W. Temple, F.P.F.’s eldest child, in the late 1880s and early 1890s, however, did print a lengthy account about the Bancroft project in its 5 September edition, noting how important it was to get an impartial history of California and observing that a dozen Californios submitted written memoirs to Bancroft, while another 40 dictated their recollections.
The transcripts of these interviews were deposited in what became the Bancroft Library at the University of California, Berkeley and, among those who have made extensive use of these are historians Rose Marie Beebe and Robert M. Senkewicz. In 1973, Pico’s published narrative, translated by the late Arthur P. Botello, descendant of an early Californio family, was edited by Martin Cole and Henry Welcome, president and vice-president, respectively, of the Governor Pico Mansion Society, which worked with the state on preserving and interpreting Don Pico’s El Ranchito residence.
In the foreword to the book, published by the Arthur H. Clark Company, which issued so many important works on California and Western American history, Cole observed that “in his early manhood Pío Pico was first and foremost a revolutionist,” adding that, in the Mexican era of California, revolts and counter-revolts were “the accepted manner for political advancement” as departmental administrations frequently changed with Pico deemed “a persistent protagonist.”
The son of a Mexican Army officer from Sinaloa (Pico’s mother was from neighboring Sonora—and most colonists under Spanish rule were from the northern regions of México, where opportunities were limited, so joining the military and moving to the “Siberia of México” seemed a feasible way to improve one’s status and lot in life), Pico was involved in the 1831 revolution that unseated Governor Manuel Victoria, an appointee from the capital city. The Californios, who adopted that title from necessity as they were generally left to their own devices by the government, invariably rejected these “outsiders” in favor of their own.
Pico’s first term as governor, following Victoria’s ouster, was brief, as per usual, and he sought to effect another revolution in 1838 against Governor Juan Bautista Alvarado, though this effort failed. Early in 1842, Manuel Micheltorena was sent by México City to replace Alvarado, though he took his time getting to Monterey, the departmental capital, and, in October, American naval forces captured the seat of California government under a mistaken assumption that war had broken out between the United States and México. When the error was realized, the Navy withdrew, but it was a clear sign of California’s vulnerability.
Micheltorena came to the department accompanied by a guard that was said to have consisted largely of paroled prisoners and this is often cited as a main reason for the fomenting of unrest by the Californios against his administration. In his narrative, however, Pico, who’d returned to the departmental assembly in 1842 after a period of political inactivity, noted another cause for concern. He stated that he was called to go to Monterey to confer with Micheltorena, so Pico and his brother Andrés made the trip and Savage was told:
During this visit the general made several observations that made me suspect he, in coalition with Señor [John, who oversaw a vast domain in the Sacramento area, including where the Gold Rush burst forth just a few years later] Sutter, had intentions of effecting the independence of this country with the expectation of thus improving the happiness and prosperity of its inhabitants. This was nothing more than mere suspicion, but at that moment in took possession of my mind and caused me much disquietude because I had always supported the integrity of Mexican territory. Besides, I was convinced that the country did no possess the necessary elements for independence and if it separated itself from Mexico, it would not be long before it would fall into the hands of another nation.
In late summer 1844, Pico continued, Andrés returned from Monterey with an order from Micheltorena for Don Pío to establish a civilian military squadron in Los Angeles and to use proceeds from the sale of the missions, secularized (effectively closed) several years prior, to pay for the maintenance of the squadron. Some pueblo residents, however, were opposed to this and Andrés prepared an artillery defensive position, though the standoff was ended peaceably.
Pío then proceeded to San Juan Capistrano with the idea of selling it and was joined by Jonathan Temple, F.P.F.’s brother, who manifested an interest in purchasing it (though this didn’t happen). While there, José Castro, a military and political leader in the north, arrived in Los Angeles to discuss “the critical circumstances of the country” and requested Pico to meet with him. Castro, however, got into a conflict with soldiers under Andrés’ command, leading to two deaths and an injury.
Despite this, in their conference, Castro told Pío of an uprising against Micheltorena in Monterey and that “it had to do with the abuses and crimes continually committed by the troops of the permanent battalion that had come with the general from Mexico.” While the governor purportedly agreed to send the miscreants back to Mexico, Castro continued, Micheltorena instead conspired with Sutter to form “a force of eighty or more foreigners and another of about one hundred Indians.” Castro’s own force was deemed inadequate against that of the governor, so he headed south and sought Pico “as first voting member of the assembly” to join in the revolt against Micheltorena and “that they would recognize me as their legitimate governor.”
Instead of agreeing, Pico decided to convene the Assembly, consisting of five persons including himself as well as a secretary, and the quintet voted to send two men to meet Micheltorena, who was marching south, at Santa Barbara. One of the commissioners was Antonio María Lugo of the Rancho San Antonio southeast of Los Angeles and who was “well esteemed” by the governor. Even though the Assembly agreed to recognize Micheltorena as jefe superior político in California, he “received them with great contempt” saying he “was not subject to that body nor did he recognize its authority.” The envoys returned to Los Angeles and reported that an angry governor was marching south “determined to make himself respected.”
The Assembly then agreed that Micheltorena was no longer to be recognized as governor and that Pico was to take his place, so he took an oath and “was recognized as the acting governor.” Pico then asked the alcalde (mayor) of Los Angeles to call a mass meeting of residents and he explained the Assembly’s actions and he went on,
I asked for their cooperation in defense of their liberty and interests and and they all offered it, including those born in foreign countries. Among them, I will cite the ones that figured most prominently. Don Julian Workman, Don Alejandro Bell, Don Santiago McKinley, Don Luis Vignes, Don Juan Temple, Don Abel Stearns, and others.
Immediately after, I appointed captains to organize military companies with which to confront the enemy. The captains named were: Workman, Juan Gallardo and Juan Crispin Pérez.
Towards the end of 1844, Pico related, Castro marched north and met Micheltorena in a skirmish at Ventura with the former retreating, “keeping Micheltorena’s attention occupied,” so that, by the time Castro returned to Cahuenga Pass, Pico had some 300 men “among them, twelve or fifteen foreigners” and two canon at the ready. When, after perhaps two months, Micheltorena got to the Rancho Encino, it was decided by Pico to send the local force there to prevent further progress by the northerners, but it was learned that they’d already taken possession of the place.
At this point, Pico continued, “our force halted and Castro, Alvarado, my brother Andrés, Don José Antonio Carrillo, Captain Workman (such was his commission as head of the extranjero, of foreign, contingent of the Los Angeles force—Michael White had an interesting account of how he was forced to join), I, and others went to look for the most favorable place in which to engage the enemy.” The two cannon were placed on either side of El Camino Real, or what is now Ventura Boulevard and, on 19 February 1845, “hostilities commenced with an artillery duel at a considerable distance,” which sounds performative, “and “not on man was killed or wounded as a result of this firing.” A horse was killed and “a man from Los Angeles had his hat blown off by a discharge of grape shot, knocking him off his horse.”
Carrillo, named senior commander of the rebels “came and told me in the name of Castro that General Micheltorena wanted to suspend fire” but Pico answered negatively and ordered “to continue firing until he surrendered his arms to the government.” A second request was made and summarily rejected and a third attempt was made with Pico replying, “tell the General to comply with the orders of the government. Following this, Pico went to were his forces were situated and
Just then I saw that Captain Workman and Don Santiago McKinley had dropped their arms and gone toward Micheltorena’s forces but they were fired upon and turned back . . .
I then went to where workman was and told him if I again saw him attempting contact with the enemy I would not consider him a friend of mine. He protested his great loyalty, assuring me that he was incapable of betrayal.
Pico then said that, after the cessation of firing, he found Castro, “who appeared to be hiding behind a small hill . . . wrapped in a serape” and a straw hat like those made by indigenous people. He then berated the northerner, saying “you are not a General, nor are you anything. You are just a vaquero.” Castro apparently assured Pico there was no reason to be worried, but, with Micheltorena readying to leave the field of battle (such as it was), Pico noted the result of his orders being disobeyed.
Pico then had his forces move to the “house of the Cahuenga Ranch,” also known as Rancho Providencia, so this latter name is often assigned to the battle, and they arrived to cut off Micheltorena’s access to Los Angeles via the Cahuenga Pass. The latter kept moving east to find another route, but, with nightfall arriving, was forced to camp, “whereupon Castro surrounded him” during the ensuing evening—perhaps this is why Castro told Pico not to be concerned.
On the morning of 20 February, Castro informed Pico that Micheltorena “wished to see me to make arrangements to deliver the command [of the department] to me” and Pico went alone to the latter’s camp. After a cordial greeting, “we retired to a point some distance from the other officers” where “there he offered to deliver the political command to me,” adding that Castro was not to be trusted and that “he was telling me this as man to man and friends.” Moreover, Micheltorena told Pico,
that shortly war with the United States was going to be declared and that if I had any intentions of defending the country, I should call to my side Mariano G. Vallejo to whom, by rights, belonged the general command after his, Micheltorena’s, retirement. I replied that it was not suitable to enter into an agreement of any kind with him; that Don José Castro was in charge by authority of the government of the department . . . After this conversation I withdrew, returning to Los Angeles.
Micheltorena, after talking to Castro, agreed to hand over his cannon and weapons carried south by Sutter’s foreigners (including some who traveled from New Mexico with Workman, John Rowland and Benjamin D. Wilson in late 1841—Wilson’s account to Savage in 1877 mentions the conferences held by these men on both sides as central to the cessation of hostilities, but Pico said nothing of this) and native people. This was done at the Plaza in Los Angeles with Andrés Pico receiving the weapons.
Micheltorena then marched to San Pedro and stayed at the ranch of the Sepúlveda at the base of the Palos Verdes Peninsula awaiting a ship readied to take him to México. He sailed to Monterey to retrieve his wife and others and headed south. Pico became governor with Castro as commanding general, though the new governor added that he recognized Vallejo as the better man for that job as, like Micheltorena advised, Pico could not trust Castro. This became clearer in subsequent events in 1846 just prior to the American invasion, when Castro marched south with troops to challenge Pico. A battle between the rivals was averted only because of news of the impending arrival of U.S. forces.
Following the accounts of Wilson and White previously covered in posts on this blog, that of Pico regarding the ouster of Micheltorena and the role played by William Workman, is an interesting one that shows, among many other examples, why the Workman and Temple family had a regional impact beyond the Homestead and its environs. Workman was an intermediary during the Mexican-American War and, in mid-July, we’ll return to Pico’s narrative and other sources about the exiled governor’s 1848 return home after the war’s conclusion.